File Name: lawless and heymann sensory evaluation of food .zip
The field of sensory science has grown exponentially since the publication of the first edition of Sensory Evaluation of Food. Fifteen years ago, the journal Food Quality and Preference was fairly new. Now it holds an eminent position as a venue for research on sensory test methods among many other topics.
- Sensory Evaluation of Food Principles and Practices
- Sensory Evaluation of Food: Principles and Practices
- Sensory Evaluation of Food : Principles and Practices
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Sensory Evaluation of Food Principles and Practices
Home Thematic Issues from calls 10 articles Sensory science, the food industr I will demonstrate that the historical relationship between sensory science and the food industry has led to certain assumptions within the discipline that do not apply outside of industrial food production, and so undermine the assessment of artisan foods. I outline this historical relationship, explain the disciplinary assumptions I believe are problematic, and briefly demonstrate — using some of my own research — the need for sensory methodologies that are broadly applicable to foods produced in different paradigms.
I would like to thank Amy Trubek and Lynne Bond for their helpful comments and suggestions on various aspects of this research and line of thinking. I would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers for Anthropology of Food, whose thoughtful comments and critiques immeasurably improved this paper. The funding source had no role in the design or execution of the research. Briefly, a workmanship of risk implies that such foods are not made exactly the same, every time, and that a degree of variation is accepted and even valorized by producers and consumers alike; the production of such foods is a skillful negotiation of risk, rather than an abnegation of it.
Sensory science has historically had very little to say about the sensory properties of and consumer response to artisan foods, and my attempt to reconcile the perceived requirements of rigorous sensory-science research with the empirical reality of artisan foods has led me to the line of reasoning I present in this paper. I find myself in an unstable position: I am trained as a sensory scientist and interested in the quantitative evaluation of the sensory properties of foods, but, as a social scientist I find myself asking whether the theoretical bases of the discipline and some of its assumptions could be strengthened.
These critiques are not aimed at undermining the discipline as a whole, but to provoke reflection and reconsideration of some fundamental assumptions. In fact, while the discipline in recent years has begun to focus on issues of ecological validity and consumer experience, I argue that these moves are hindered by its history and unexamined assumptions. I argue that a disciplinary focus on industrially produced foods and experimental methodologies has been fostered by the close relationship between sensory science and the food industry, and, in this paper I examine the origins and consequences of this relationship.
A basic and explicit assumption of sensory science is that certain sensory stimuli are inherent to food and are thus valid or true, while others are only correlated or associated in context with food, and are therefore biasing or false e. A parallel or corollary of this central assumption allows sensory scientists to define objective sensory experience: sensory perceptions that arise from true stimuli are true perceptions of a food that reflect a lasting, objective reality, while those that arise from bias or from contextual associations are cognitive blips that reflect a transitory, subjective experience.
In some ways this is a sensible position: we have been aware for more than a century now of the fundamental chemical nature of foodstuffs, and research into taste and flavor perception has demonstrated that some of these chemicals stimulate our taste and olfactory receptors in order to create the perception of food flavor.
In practice, sensory science tends to rely on a hodgepodge of assumptions and empirical results to make claims for validity or bias. This immediately leads to the problematic result, however, that a food property can only be a legitimate sensory property and source of sensory perception if it is amenable to examination within a controlled, experimental context.
I suspect that this has more to do with the particular goals and priorities of sensory science than any lack of insight on the part of practitioners. Put bluntly, it is not productive for sensory science to question its epistemological foundations, and sensory science is, above all else, a productive discipline Martens ; Peryam ; sensory science is a product of its origins.
As the scale of food businesses increased dramatically, they distributed to larger populations and found themselves more frequently struggling to capture market share from competitors. In an environment of increased competition, the ability to produce food that consistently appealed to the largest possible groups of consumers became a paramount advantage, and this led to an increased interest in product quality and consumer acceptance Peryam ; Schutz Capturing the zeitgeist of the era, W.
The development of sensory science as a systematic way of understanding the human sensory perception of foods has its roots in the industrialization of the food system in the middle of the twentieth century and the imperatives this imposed on the new food conglomerates. In fact, these methodologies do a comparatively poor job with artisan foods, like Vermont artisan cheese. There are several reasons for this that I will explore: first, the psychophysical theories of human behavior that underpin sensory science are more problematic than usually acknowledged cf.
The psychophysical approach to understanding sensory experience is to bring the entire situation within the paradigm of experimental control: that is, to control all aspects of the environment, the sensory stimulus, and the ways in which the sensing subject can interact with the stimulus, in order to produce results that are unambiguously attributable to experimental intervention.
Relevant histories for the psychophysics of taste Bartoshuk , smell Cain , and psychophysics in general e. I am mostly concerned with the adoption of and continuing reliance on psychophysical methods and theories by sensory science. This is a critical issue for four reasons. Thus, the assumption that the psychophysical approach can be transferred without distortion to the complex world of food is fraught with potential pitfalls.
Sensory science, therefore, both implicitly and explicitly excludes the influences of society and culture on individual sensory perception.
A quick, introspective consideration of taste and smell reveal both senses to be qualitatively different from vision, hearing, or touch; in fact they have often been neglected as objects of scientific and philosophical inquiry Howes ; Martens Novices are unaware of the range of possible sensory experiences wine might provoke, and so report fewer descriptive adjectives than experts of various types Hughson They were aware of the apparent subjectivity of their actions, but did not feel that this invalidated their experiences ibid.
While both the methods and theories of psychophysics have helped sensory science succeed as a partner to the food industry, they constrain a sensory science that seeks to truly address human consumption behavior and experience in everyday life. The first method of descriptive analysis, developed by the Arthur D.
A significant share of sensory science research and theory has been developed in this particularly contingent fashion, in which the needs of the industry dictate the research to be done, the research to be made public, and subsequently the theory that is formulated from that research.
The concept of overfitting comes from statistics, especially non-linear modeling: a model becomes overfitted when it is made to conform too well to the sample data on which it is based, and it no longer has predictive power for data outside of the sample for a quick, non-technical summary, see Silver As I will discuss below, industrial food production has certain features that make the system and the food produced within the system distinct.
Sensory science methodologies implicitly or explicitly rely on these distinct features, and so apply only poorly, if at all, to food produced outside of the system. Thus, the concept of overfitting becomes a gloss for the poor portability of sensory science methodologies outside of the context in which they originate Latour Industrial food production is predicated on absolute control of inputs and methods, and the result is a vast quantity of near-identical product.
The elimination of unexpected variation is one of the features of industrial production on which sensory science methodologies rely, and when this assumption of homogeneity is not met, as in non-industrial production, sensory science methodologies are difficult, if not impossible, to apply. Experimental changes in formulation and production process can then be causally linked to changes in its sensory profile. The implementation of a paradigm of control allows the industrial production of food to be treated as an experimental situation, in which specific hypotheses can be rigorously tested, including those concerning sensory perception.
Sensory science can confidently relate sensory differences in products to changes of process or formulation precisely because the assumption of homogeneity holds for industrial production. But sensory science, which was developed with the assumption of control in industrial production, does not have a paradigm for capturing an uncertain relationship between process and outcome.
What is the sensory profile of this type of cheese? Should the two cheeses, nominally produced in the same way, be considered different products because they taste different? An epistemology that relies on total control, common to industrial production and sensory science, is tricky to apply to artisan production. In fact, the only way to answer these questions that is epistemologically valid for sensory science is to control the sources of variation in non-industrial practice, rendering the workmanship one of certainty instead of risk, and thereby changing the very object of study.
I call this the assumption of homogeneity; once it is made explicit it problematizes the ability of sensory science to address foods produced outside the industrial paradigm. In the industrial workmanship of certainty, in which process is obfuscated and unimportant, only outcomes are important Paxson ; the products of this workmanship seem to be portable across contexts precisely because they are explicitly detached from any specific production context.
The assumption that foods are portable — that they can be detached from any particular context— is key for sensory science practice. Thus, both foods and sensing subjects are removed from their normal contexts, an act which has profound consequences for perceptual and cognitive processes Lave ; the assumed acontextuality of most industrial products helps mediate this displacement. Consider, for example, the sensory evaluation of cheese in which researchers, concerned about the effect of color on flavor perception, required subjects to wear sunglasses inside the sensory evaluation laboratory e.
Divorcing the tasting experience from its everyday context is a known problem within the discipline, to which I am in no way the first to draw attention e. If food products are naturally without context then they become portable across contexts.
There is nothing peculiar, then, in having subjects taste them in ways that seem odd when compared with everyday life, because they have, as a rule, never been part of everyday life. In this way, the assumption of contextual portability renders foods as acultural, asocial packets of organic matter — as close, in other words, as they can be made to maps, equations, or chemical compounds: of constant form and function wherever they are found Latour Producers, for example, see the sensory profile of their products as a reflection of not only their materials and production practices, but also their ethical choices and relationship to the land on which they rely Paxson In addition, the complex interactions between connoisseurship and repeated experience are at play in the production of sensory experience e.
Therefore, the assumption that a non-industrial food product is easily portable between contexts is demonstrably untrue to be fair, it is probably untrue for industrial products as well, to which consumers can and do form all the same attachments, practices, and expectations. When a non-industrial product is brought into the laboratory or testing context, it deforms much more than an industrial product: it is not a context-free product, an acultural organic mass, but a food to which subjects have relationships shaped by individual, social, and cultural contexts.
Even critics that highlight problems with context in sensory science in general e. As a result, the fact that this dichotomy stems from a particular aspect of industrial production has been so far unaddressed.
I call these, respectively, assumptions of homogeneity and contextual portability, because, as discussed above, they are not explicitly guaranteed or created by sensory scientists in practice. Instead, they are assumed to be fundamental features of food production. As also noted above, however, they are only fundamental features of industrial food production, and in fact are mostly atypical of non-industrial food production practice.
However, because sensory science is deeply invested in concepts of objectivity and epistemological rigor, when sensory evaluation of artisan foods contradicts the experience of ordinary consumers, it is the consumers who are assumed to be irrational or self-deceiving e.
This common conclusion itself should be evidence enough that there is some misfit between the methodologies and the phenomena of interest. Here I present a necessarily brief summary of empirical research that I have conducted to understand the success of artisan cheesemaking in Vermont.
This research integrates sensory-science methodology — focus-group work and novel consumer-product profiling and acceptance — with social theories of human sensory behavior Hennion , ; Lave ; Shapin , instead of the strictly psychophysical. The results are telling: in artisan products, consumers taste both intrinsic and extrinsic qualities, calling into question some of the fundamental disciplinary assumptions of sensory science.
Sensory scientists have increasingly become interested in the effects of extrinsic properties e. To make matters more complicated, American cheesemaking in general lacks the cultural patrimony that tends to promote coherent traditional practice in European cheesemaking Paxson ; there are not protected-name categories for products as in Europe Barham ; Guy Instead, American cheesemakers tend to invent their own style of cheese, often inspired by but intentionally different from any other cheese being made Paxson , ; West et al.
Perhaps these consumers are biased — they have become convinced that of some external claim about how these cheeses should taste, and are reporting their sensory perceptions in ways that confirm this position and avoid cognitive dissonance — or perhaps they are in some way tasting these extrinsic properties.
I was curious whether there was evidence for the latter explanation, and designed sensory-science research that would give some insight into this question. Given the increasing evidence that indicates, due to the complex, integrative nature of sensory perception, it is entirely possible to consider a taste of and for non-material, extrinsic properties e. In the focus groups, participants were asked to describe their experiences with and the sensory properties of Vermont artisan cheese.
I was able to synthesize a set of generalizable properties that consumers used to construct these experiences, and these properties were both intrinsic e. Their validity was reinforced by triangulation with previous work with artisan cheese producers, in which the producers used similar terms in similar ways to describe their own sensory experiences Paxson , Consumers were provided with Vermont cheeses and accurate descriptions that either described the generic type of cheese e.
Iaccarino et al. Thus, context and other extrinsic properties affect the actual consumption experience of these products: the taste of Vermont artisan cheeses is not fixed, but emerges in the practices of consumption. This lacuna is not an oversight: it is simply that artisan foods have historically not been important to the food industry, and so they have not been important to sensory science. Recently, however, there has been growing public, academic, and industrial interest in understanding foods from outside the industrial paradigm, and it has become evident that, due to the particular historical contingency of sensory science, these present an unexpected difficulty to the usual disciplinary methodologies.
Sensory science methods assume that the true sensory properties of a food product remain, within limits of random variation, constant across instantiations of that product and contexts that a consumer might encounter it; in contrast, artisan food products are inherently variable and are dependent on the many contexts of everyday life.
Furthermore, examinations of artisan foods and everyday sensory experiences present challenges to an even more fundamental assumption of sensory science: that there is a single set of true or valid sensory properties for each food product, and that these properties can be conclusively distinguished from so-called biasing or false properties.
In fact, the empirical evidence points in the opposite direction: food sensory properties are dependent on the subject, the context, and on a myriad of factors that are obscured by paradigms of experimental control. To understand these foods, and to understand sensory experience in everyday life, sensory science must step back from historically contingent theories and practices. What is required is first a questioning and then a relaxation of disciplinary assumptions about homogeneity, contextual invariance, and the objectivity of sensory properties.
Principles of sensory evaluation of food. ARES G. Food Quality and Preference, 21 , Consciousness and Cognition, 17, Sensation and Judgment: Complementarity Theory of Psychophysics.
Food Quality and Preference, 19,
Sensory Evaluation of Food: Principles and Practices
Sensory Evaluation of Food - Principles and Practices Harry In this activity, students will explore the principles of sensory evaluation by participating in and analyzing the results of a triangle test. A triangle test is a difference test that is used to determine whether there is a sensory difference between two products. Sensory evaluation principles this course will introduce you to organoleptic principles. It will give you an understanding of how your 5 senses work, how they interact with foods and how each of the senses interact. Sensory evaluation is costly, time consuming, and difficult to implement in an industrial setting.
Du kanske gillar. Ladda ned. Spara som favorit. Laddas ned direkt. Skickas inom vardagar. The field of sensory evaluation has matured in the last half century to be- come a recognized discipline in the food and consumer sciences and an important part of the foods and consumer products industries. Sensory pro- fessionals enjoy widespread recognition for the important services they provide in new product development, basic research, ingredient and process modification, cost reduction, quality maintenance, and product op- timization.
Sensory Evaluation of Food : Principles and Practices
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Scientific Research An Academic Publisher. Lawless, H. Chapter 1, 2nd Edition, Ithaca, New York. ABSTRACT: The objective was to study the sensory attributes of organic leafy greens treated with plant antimicrobials and identify treatments most accepted by panelists.
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Да нет же, черт возьми. И кто только распустил этот слух. Тело Колумба покоится здесь, в Испании.